Newspapers / North Carolina Argus (Wadesboro, … / Dec. 13, 1860, edition 1 / Page 1
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7 - - , i. ;. 1 f t " ' i f 4 ' ; s m '. .'.5J ,-i . " ' . . '.. - ' ""' .... . ,1 a I r ...... ' ' f - r i '.- NEW SERIES VOL HMO. R ; WADESBOROUGIL, N. 0, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1860. WHOLE M ill w . llipli: ;...,. t .: -'; , ! - '-; PUBLISHED WIIUT - - ' 1 at -'..;T; FETO.f DARLEY. ,:-0 j - ' ' TIEV8 Of BUBSCHPTIOH. . unoM, H tmbMriptloa Netrd for Urn ttu ill bmUj. ; iTa or AontTurao. ft 70o. Tkt ioMrtloM....M........rf.V.......$t 50 TwS gondii; or Bin ioMrtiaM...M....M I BO TbrM ftMUu, r UilrUti ioMrtiou..... 4 00 ' 9 00 j- jtwUr( But tut tb annbw of tinM tfty k r M'Tartbwanla InMrUd j oUtrwiM U47 lu to tb abT. Alt will m Bd vitk jurlf dmtlMr a Umi1 Md xlruUiHu Mraia. , Obluwy aotioM wb aot iodInf twtat UMi all abTriatjr Ua al Mrtruwmai ma. McCORKLE A BES1TETT, HoTioa la fAanrtantir or raa cocxrr or w . JAMES M. MoCOEKLE attend U Oarla of C4- hfflii, Ba, Sualy, Uontf tmt ry aid Aaaoa. E. f BElWETfthoM f Uoloa, AnMBtad ' IChB)90d. J. M. MeCoaaia, B. I. Bihuitt, Albawri, K. C. I - WJ..boro', N. C. lodVtr . - D. 3. ncRAC, krttry'it Liw Ittd Solicitor in Equity, - Et UOKADA, AHK. : ,10 . . ir Joitt nr. Clark, Commlssloa tad forwarding merchant, - muiixGToit fr. v. rilOMPT ATTRSTOS OIVE TO f Hi SALE OF . CODSTEt PttODUCK. NAVAL UTOKES, A.M COTTON. Wfi .V ifjfff, PLASTER, CBMEKT, BAIS.tC. 1y NOUTJJ CAROLINA "ARGUS 07 IOIKT.1 -roBTiMor - -Uardieart, Cutlery, K Hmi 8tit, CHABLESTO., B.C. cnAnBELAinr, hiler a co., JMP0RTER3 AND J0B5"S OF PRY GOODS, o. 17 SaanM SraTtT, ... a. aAnuiauM. " w. r. o aiui. . Mitraift. i LOTnure no me. 9IATTUIESSE.V, O'MARA CO., '. 143 Eiw-Bat 8tbt, . Com t Qmm. . CHARLESTON, 8. C. ru&xisnufo goods of all ksds. m , 'y ... E. R. STODDARD dE CO., ja aoLitAU Diiuu la ' BOOTS SUOES iTD TBV.VKS, AT MlaOfAOTUHEtia' PRIOES, Not. 166 and 1C7 Mictixo Stkiit, KitKitt a. rroDDAao. ) . CHARLESTON, B.C. 'ALa raoniBiaoaa. V ' caAa. ? J ' " gly 7 ELLIS Jb ailTCIIELL, , . . tBaOLUALB AND BIT Alt ' DEAtEBS IX CORS, TEA8. OAT8, KYE, WHEAT, . 11 KAN, EA3TEKN AND NOHTil RIVER HAVj " Aim, rsssir oroc.vd msal, noxixr, f., $e. SO. KURTH WATER BTRKBT, WILMINSTON, N. C. c. a. n.ttB.l 79-ly - a. r. mitcbeu.. can. a. vtim, trBID- "- nVERS dk nOOHE, HNUUIJ hiub n DATS, CAI'8. TRUNKS, 8TRAW GOODS, BON NETS. URS, MILITART GOODS, CANES AND UMBRELLAS j . 31 narkct Street, WILXIXOTOy.XC. ' W Bk th attealioa of wboleMU bnyr to bof eardj W Bra prprd to forni.h Onods io oar Hat tow bb ANY HOUPK IN THE COUNTRV. Ordcn fur HU by tb cam or doa will rtetlr prompt attaotioB by addraniag Bbor. 7-ly T. C. D. G. WORTH, Gtntral Commission MerthanU,' " AHD DBALIBI IX ItM nAIR. TALCMED PLASTER. AND CE MENT, SAND PLASTER, PURE TEBUVIAN j . . OUANO, Aad Agtata for th sbI of BOBINSON'S MANIPULATED GUANO, tAS-KKR k CLARK'S FERTILIZERS. BUPtR-PUOSPUATK OF LIME, tO ly WILXLVaTOX, if. C. CEO. II. KELLY, BOOKSELLER, : Ho. 27 Makcbt btbibt, wiLiixaTOxrx:c. Kmpb eoaitftntly oa hind ,ry varltty of School Booki, MitoallaawM Booka, BUnk Booki, Drawing Bookr, Maaia Books, FooUeap aad Letter Papen, La dlea' Net aad Billet Paper, ArU.t Material of all kiodi, Letter Prama, Letur Copying Book, Ink, Pencil, Earalopw, Law Book, Doctor Book, Draw ing Papers, Lithograph for Grecian and Oil Painting, W. KoAbe It Co' celebrated Piaeo Forte, Qroeer A Baker Sewing Mcbine and Conner Sewing Machine. AU ardere for any of tbe abore article promptly lied and forwarded by Bull, railroad, or otherwise. 79-ly ' . ' ' HOPKINS, HULL At ATKINSON, IHPORTERB AMD WHOLE ALE IEALESS 1.1 FOBEIGK AID DOMESTIC DET GOODS, No. 268 BAiriaoaa 8tb(it, (aeroans BAaoraa enaaij tAiit a. nrun, BALTIMORE. oaaat nu, I , aoe. w. ATKiasoa. J ; : 87-tf . ASHE At IIARGRATE, , UTTOJWEI'S LAW. Pretio la artorsbip la the eooety of Aaa, et opt aa the Criariaal Docket la tb County Coart, (J. B. HBrgrar Being County Solicitor.) They will attend to the eollectloa of all alalia en traetod to them ia Aneon and tberarroaadlngeoaatiea. T. 8. Aehe attend tb Cwart of Richmond, Mont gomery, Staaly, Cabarraa, Union aad Aaaoa. J. K. Hargrara thoee f Montgomery, 8Unly aad fwDS?f Wideebaew'. THOMAS 8. ASHE. I U HARfiRAVE. , la-tf . . n. P. si.hmOns, - ITWcJb Mt4 Clock ttrpalrw, Aaaorriua, a. a. Jewelry, A., aaatly and tabitaatlaUy repelred, aad all work warraatad SPEECH OF HON. BEN. H. HILL, . or oeoboia,' ; ' w IVtcvrW m &i Capital a$ MUledfein, JVbwm hef lbtk, 18C0, ( rratuad of many Mrm : ben o the Georgia Ltgiifatur; and puUitutd la rabmhting k! (patch for publication, Sir, Hill accotopaaiad A by auta, bbtick t "I Mt aotbiflft to tb remark locontistcnt wilb Bjtbine MKtuiort written by me. There is prudent and iapradept way of accompliahing the Mm good., I Ibiuk torn of oar mend ara baaty Let a keep right and ' make baeta elowly.' bava dlaooaabd a policy of ratiatapea, bat I am ready to vield it for a belter when I ean find it Tbat puliov which eao moat cordially aniu our people, and moat eneetoaii redreai our gneraocea 14 the eae I aball prefer." , tLmJiei a7Wa di t Wblte I em pealing to yen tavblgtrt, 1 earaeetly peg ror perfect qaietoeae end order. At eeemt to oe 1 general ides that pob- lio f peakers feel highly eoaplimented wben tbeir opinions are received with boUterona sppleaae. I do not to feel oa any occasion, snd certainly would .not so reeara snco s detnonitratloa sow. The ocoauon e s solemn and aoriou one, and let ui Irear it to no light or tnrial manner. One more request. I bars invoked' good order. jot more earnestly invoke your kind and eon id. erite attention. No people ever assembled lo de liberate b' graver iasue. This government is the feault of much toil, much blood, much anxiety and much treasnre. - For oearly a century we have been sccustomed lo speak and boast of it as the bes,t on earth. Wrapped up )n it are the lives, the happiness, the io wrest and the peace of thirty millions of freemen now living, and af unnumbered millions in the future. Whether we shall now destroy tbat Government or make another effort to preserve it and reform its abases, is t question before ns. . Is that question not entitled to sli" the wisdom, the moderation snd pradenC we CID command? Were you ever at aea la s sunvu f . Then yo know the sailor often finds it necessity to enable him to keip bis abip bore the ware, to tb.-ow overboard his freight, even his ircssure. llut w.'.'h bis chart snd his compass he never parts. Howcv'?r dark the heav- e or furious the winds, with these o still j'.. . ' oolarstsf, and find the port of Jif:fety. Would not tu;'!iww,md who should thivT' these overboard f . t ,. We are at see, my friends. .The skies are fcsrfully darkened. The billows tBrcsteningly. Panrs sre 00 every side. Let ns ' 'w tef boa.'d our passions, oar prejudicea snd our ""ty (eelings, ho.rever long or highly valued, llu.' let us bold n bold on to reason and moderation. These and lhaaO altC point always lo the fixed alar of Truth, by "' guidance we may yet safely come be abort. , . W'a must sgree; Wa a.; (tred f c but knew it. Our people nruat tie onited to metf tbiscriais. Divisions now would not saly be ui.fortuii but exceedingly disastrous. If divisioos arise .'cy cannot be based on our lalerests r our purpose, for Ibese sre and mast be (be same. Divisions most find their origin in oar suspicions andjeai cusics Let us give these suspicions and jealous ies to the winds. Let us assume the basis of every argument tbat we ara ail equally honest, and equally desiroaa, ia oar various wsy, of se curing ono end our equality snd rights. There must be one way better tbsa all others. Let our ambition be to find thai tray, and unite our peo ple in the advocacy of that way. I have listened with earnest attention to tho eloquent speeohes made by all sides, snd I believe a common ground of sgreement can be found, if not for universal, at lesst for very general sgree ment. Those who bold that the Constitution is wrong, snd the Union bad perm, of course will sgree to nothing but immediate disunion, snd such I shall not be able to sfoct. In the first plaoe, what are our grievances 1 All the speakers, thus far, even the most ultra, have admitted tbat the mere constitutional elec tion of any man la no ground for resistance. The mere election of Mr. Lincoln is on all sides sd tuitted not to be the grievance Our State would not be thrown on a false'Tssue 00 tbis point. , We complain, in general terms, tbat the and- slavery sentiment st the Nor;b has been made an element 01 political power. In proof of tbis we make the following speci fications! ' ' 1. That a large political parly has been organ ised in the Northern States, the great common idea of which is to prohibit the exteosioo of slave ry by congress snd hostility to si very generally.. 2. That this party hss succeeded in getting the control of many of the Northoro Slate Leg islaVurea, and have procured the passage of acts nullifying the fugitive slsve Isw, encouraging the reicue of fugitives, and 'seeking to punish, a felons, citisens of our Southern States who pur sue their slaves in the assertion of a plain con stitutional right : - .- 3. Tbat this party bu elected Governors in am StaM; tbat lbs delendant was Dot guilt and ooold not be delivered np. ' . Tba seme principle was involved to shield sif- aralof the oonipiraiors in tha John Brown raid. The inexorable logic of ibis party ron snob 1 praniiae, mustsrray there agaiost tha whola Con' atitution of tha United Slates: because tbat in strument, ia its very frame work, is a reeosni. Uoa of property in slaves. It was made by slave- noidiog states. Accordingly we Bod this party a disunion party, and its leaders those of them who follow tbeir logic to its practioal eoosequeaees oiaunioouKr per as. . a wouio not quote mm the law and tha ignorant of that party, but I will quote from the learned and the honored. V - Oee of tbe most learned disciples of tbis party says: "Tbe OmetihtlioH is the cause of every divi sion which this vexed question o( slavery has ever occasioned ia this country. It (the Conttilutijn) has been the ouabiia and father of onr troubles, by attempting to bold together, as reconciled, two opposing principles, which will not barmouiie.W agree, 'i'be only hope af the elave ia offcr the rains of the Oovernwuut. The dieeolution of the Unum is the abolition of eleery" Ooe of the sblast, and oldest, snd long honored Senators of that partf a Senator even before the existence of the Kepublican party aaid to (he j nominating Uooventioo of tbat party : " I bolieve that this is not so much a Convention lo change the administration of the Government, as to sar whether there thall be any Ooverhtnent to he ad ministered. You bsve sssembled, not to aa; whether tbis Union aball be preserved, but to say whether it shall be a blessing or a Seem and' hissing among lbs nations. I could cpjote all night, my friends, to . show that the tendency of the Republican party is' to disunion. Inat to be a llepublioan is to be logically and practically against the Constitution and the Union. . And we complain that this part; is warring upon us, and at tbesaoie time, and in lbs same way, snd by a necessary eonsequuuee, warring upon the Constitution aud tbe Union. tf. We complain io the last place, that tliis party having thus acquired the control of every department of Government, Legislative, Execu tive, and J ndioial in several of the Northern States, and having thus used every department of the State Government so scquired, in viola tion of the Constitution of the United States, in disregsrd of tbe lass of the Southern States, and in ulter denial of the property and oven liberty of the citizens of the Southern States this party Issy, with these principles, snd this his ry, hss st last secured tbe Executive department of tbe .federal Government, and are seeking to se cure the oik 8r two department the Legislative and tbe J odToiai. Northern States, who refuse, aomejopenly snd others under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain Constitutional duties, whsn these duties involve tbe recognition of property in slsves. 4. Tbat Northern Courts chosen by tbe same party, bsve assumed to declare tbe fugitive slave law unconstitutional In the teeth of the United States Courts, and of every department of the United States Government , 5. We complain that the Northern States, thus controlled, sre seeking to repudiate every Con stitutional duty, or provision in fsvor or in recog nition of slavery to weia; the extinction ef slavery, and to sectire to the negro social and po litical equality wkh-the white race; and, as far st possible, they disregard and nullify even the laws of the Southern States en tbis subject In proof of this complaint wt show tbst Northern Governors hart aotually refused to deliver up fugitivee from imtice, when the crime chat-gad against such fugitives recognised under State lam property in slaves.. . .. Thus, a Northern man married a Southern lady having b separate estate in slaves. He deceived the lady, stole ber hegroee, told them and pocket ed tbe money, and fled to a. Northern State. He was charged with larceny nnder tbe lsws of tbe Slate ia which the crime was committed. A true bill was obtained snd a demand was properly mad for his return, snd tht Governor of the State to. which bt fled refused to deliver bia) tip 00 the ground that to aowaH kreany a man naoat steal property, ead as slaves) were not property aeoord Vg to the laws of the Northern State, it could not be property according to tbe Southern State;' that fhsrefbre tha 8outher -Court, Jury nod Governor were all wrong ia obeying the laws of their own State, instead ot the laws of the North- Here. then. i nf seeking to administer tht floverninent nn r,n'ni,.J,leS which must de- tt.7v ihe Government propo!'..'J t0 preserve the Uown rpofl g basis' oa which ti...Union,.in the verjfnai!r of tbingit, cannot stsu5' ' ""d offering peace oq terms which-juutit produce o,v'' wsr. .- Now, my friend, the next qiicition is, shall thew grievances be resisted? I know of no man who says they ought not to be resisted. For myself, I say, sod say with emphasis, they ouht to be resisted resisted effectively and at all DaJru. What ,'esson have we heref . We have seen differbices ruining high even apparent bitter ness engendered. Passion gets up, debate be come jers a,:d gib" defiance. Ono man says be will not resist Lincold. His adversary pro nounces that treason iO the South sod the man a Black Republican, Anoier mm says be will resist Lincoln and demand in..medii. te secession. His adversary pronounces that treasoD.to the Constitution and the man a disunionist. What do you "mean by Lincoln? Stop and dffAe. The first means by Lincoln, the Ma elected, the second means by Lincoln, the issue 00 which he was elected. JVtiVArr will resist the first ; b ith will resist the latter, and so they agree aad did agree all the time they were disputing! Thest grievances are our real complaint. They have advanced to a point which makes a crisis : and that point is the election of Lincoln. We dare not, we will not let this crisis pass without a lettlenieiit. That settlement must wipe out ex isting grievances, and arrest threatened ones. We owe it to our Constitution, to our country, to our peso, to our posterity, to our dignity, to our self respect, as Uoioo men and Southern men, to have a oeasation of these aggressions and an end to these disturbances. I do not think we should wait for any further violation of the Constitution. Tbe Constitution bss already been violated and even defied. These violations are repeated every day. We must resist, and not to attempt to re sist, and to do so effectively even tb the full e tect of the evil will be to bring shame on our selves, sod our Stste, and our cause. Having agreed on .our complajnts, and dis covered .tbst sli our suspicions of each other are unfounded, and that our disputes on this point bad tbeir origin in hasty conclusions tod thought less mistakes, let us, with sn encouraged charity and forbearance, advance to the next step in tbis argument! ' , Who shall inaugurate this resistance? Who shall determine the mode, the measures and the time' of this resistance? .. My reply is : The people through their dele gates in Convention duly assembled. r It is not necessary for me now to urgo tbis point. Here again we have bad disputes with out difference. ' 1 have the pleasure of announcing to-night that tbe prominent leaders of all shades of opin ion on'this subject came together this day and agreed that it was the right and privilege of the peopto in convention to pass on these questions. On this point we have disputed a week, and to day, acting as Georgians should act, wo came to gether in spirit of kindness, And in fifteen minutes our heart were all made glad by the discovery tbat our -differences or disputes were founded on groundless suspicious, and re are agreed. We are all for resistance, and vwe are all for the people in convention to Say how and Then. And by wbsl means we shall resist. I never beheld a scene which made- my hear4 rejiice more sinoercly.. Oh, that i could see trie We often appeal to tbe history of onr fathers J to urge men to indignation snd hasty resentment of wrongs. Let at study all tbat . history. Let me show you, from that histonr, an exempts of metal and over confidence on tbe one band, and Of coolness snd wisdom ob tbs other. Ourinr bur colonial history, the English Gov ernment sent General Braddock to America to dialodge and drive back the French snd Indisns. Tbe General, arranging the campaign, assigned to bis own command the dnty of recovering tbe Ohio Valley and tbe great Northwest. It was I neceessry to capture Fort Duquesne. He never T-.1 1. . . . 1' tr . t . r .1 tiiougui 01 any uiuicuuiee m me way 01 aucoesa. He promised Newcastle to be beyond the moan taios in e- very short period. - Dnquesne, ' be thought, would stop him only three or four days, ancHhera- was no obstruction to bis march Niagara,. Ha declared tbe Indians might frighten the raw American militia, but could make no impression on the British rerulara. Tbis wss Braddock. One of tbe raw American militia who had joined Braddcck's commaod, was the young Wsshingtnn, then only about twenty-tbfee years old. He became one of Braddock 's aids. Hear ing the General's boasts, snd seeing bis thought. ess courage, Washington quietly said to him, ' We shall have more to do than to go up the nuis ana come aown. c penning 01 urauaoca to another, Washington said, " He was iocapable of arguing without warmth, or giving np any point he had asserted, be it ever so incompatible with reason or common sense. ' ' Braddock was considered, on all bands, to be a brave, gallant and fearless officer, Here, then, are two men, both brave and no ble, snd intelligent, engaged together to sccom plbh a common enterprise for the good of their country. 1 be one was rash, thoughtless, never calculating difficulties, nor looking forward to, and providing against, obstructions. He arranged his express, snd sent forward tbe news of hia victory beforehand. But tbe other was Cool,, calculating, cautious, wise, aud moder ate lie wm a man who thought before be acted; and then acted tbe Iwro. Now, for results : Braddock was surprised be fore he reached tbe Fort. His Briti'lt regulars lied befqre the yelling Indians, and the raw American militia were slain by them. Braddock himself fought bravely, and he was borne away from the field of bis shame, leaving more than half bis little army- dead', and himself senseless with a mortal wound. After the lapse of a day, ho came to himself, and his first exclamation was, "who would have thought it?" .'Again he roused up and said, " IV e shall bettor know how to deal with them next time." Poor General, it was too late, for with that sentence he died I. For more than a century he has slept near Fort Necessity, pod bis only history might be written for his epitaph He was brave, but rah, gallant, but thoughtless, noble, but bigoted. He fougtU hastily, died early, and here be lies. : j Ihu young Washington was also brave, and in e thickest of the iiht. Horse after horse fell the frriiu under bim. The bullets of the Indians whistleu around Jiiiu and through bis clothes, hut Providence spa'reJ him. Lven the Indians declared some Gou protected him So cool, so brave so wise and thoughtt'J was the conduct of this young officer, before, during 8nd af!r th.e bttte, that even then a distinguished i2n "points him out as a youth raised up by Provideiico for some noblo work." Who does not know (.he hiitbry of Washington ; yet, who can tell it ? Our glori ous revolution, that wise Constitution, this happy, wide-spread and ever spreading country strug gling millions, fired on by example of his suc cess, are some of the chapters already Written in the. history. Long chapters pf yet unrealised glory, pud power, and happiness shall be e'nfllessly adcLs?, if the wisdom of him' who redeemed bur country en be continued to those who inherit it. . ... .? , irl . 11 ho lasnour-ot constitutional uocny, perpeiu j .to the glory of the end, or cut short in the phrenzy of anarchy, shall wind up the history of Vashin"ton Behold L.'re the sudden destruction of the raCsh man anJ his fo.'.'iwers, and the still un folding success of the cool aud thoughtful man, aad then let us go to work to uiee4 this crisis that is upon us. - - . Though there are various modifications CI opin ions, there are really but two modes of resistance j proposed. Une method is to maite no turtner ei fort in the Union, but to assume that the Union either cannct or ought not to be preserved, and secede at once, snd throw ourscrtves upon the con sequences. The other method is to exhaust cer tain remedies for theso grievances in. Ihe Union, with a view of preserving our rights and the Uuion with them, if possible ; looking, however, to, and preparing lor, secession as an ultimate re sort, certainly to be bad, if those grievances can not be remedied, and completely remedied, and ended in the Union. . , ; u , Irreconcilable aa these differences, at first view, seem to be, I maintain a point of complete re conciliation cad be reached. - '" ' Now, let us look to tbe reasons urged by the advocates of these two modes of redress. . The advocates of the first mode declare ,that these grievances sre the fruits of an original, in nate anti-slavery fanaticism. - That the history of tha world will show that such fanaticism is never convinced Is never satisfied never ends but in victory or blood. Tbat, accordingly, tbis fanati cism io tbe Northern States has been constantly progressive, always 'getting stronger and mo'reim pudent, defiant and aggressive; and that it will never cease except id our subjugation, unless we tear loose .from it by dissolving-the Union. These advocates say they have no faith in any re sistance in the Union, because, in the nature of the evil, none can be effectual. The advocates of the second mode of resistance, of whom I am humbly ooe, reason after another fashion : We Say, in the Brat place, tbat while it is true that this anti slavery sentiment has be come fanatical with many, yet it ia hot necessari ly so io its nature, nor was it so in its origin. Slavery has lays existed in some form. It is sn original institution. Besides, we say the agi tation now upon os did not originate' in fanatk clsui or philanthropy, but in cupidity. - . ' England owned tbe West indies,- and mere sne had some slaves. ' She had possessions in 4he same epirit of concord oh the only remaining I Last Indies, which she believed Were sdaptod to . ' :: .-. 11?:. - i r..ii : tli, mnatli ,f onttin and which article she de- Question 01 aiuerenoo. nu uj new. un i , , .- - Th Souther States were her only dangeooue eamnetitort. She desired to cripple or break kindness, I beg my friends to accompany me now tv tint dnaatmn. I do believe we ean agree :- M.Ja. mtiintiMi itf thai we differ aa little en this as we did on tie other point, io dowa the. cultivation of the cotton plant in the; every material view. Al fast, nearly alt the South. The South could not um her own soil nnurels Ot ID woriof, nr an navw orow ...... r . : " . founded more in form than tMUtaoct Rnme ran are honest wise and prudent Others are equally howeet and? intelligent, but tear witboeft the African slave. Englawd, tbere fbre, mils tnenage to set tree tb slave, and turn tbe South over to some inadequate peasantry ays- uA aad imotiuout. The latter are often to be tern, aomttuiiog use ids swan t""- loved and eneoaragedS-hnt the tret atone are to end England raised a greaiery of pbuantnropy bVnlied on in tiarriciee. behf cf the poor n.p- At showef n: eerity, the abolbbed alavery in the Weat lo'diea, near as, tbinltiog to effect her Southern neigh bor. She taught her lesson of false philanibro py to our Northern pulpiu snd Northern paper) and thus to our Northern people. - At tbis time (he Northern politicians saw In this Ihflammtblt subject One material for politi cal agitation, party tnooeea. snd self-promotion. They leaped upon the wave tnd rode on. The Southern politiciaoa raised the counter ery, leaped on tbe counter wave and met the northern polttt. cisns in office. As long aa the people answered tbe politicians called, and tbe resolt is wbat we now est. The subject is interminable in poli tics, because utterly illegitimate at' apolitical is-. sue. Thus it bu uever approached, but receded from a political solution, and increasing ia ex citement as it baa progressed, all statesmanship, aortb snd south, is dwarfed to a mere wrang ling about African slavery. Slavery will survive, but tbe Constitution, the Union and peace may not. " The Southern State will continue to raise cotton, but the hoping enbjoct of tyranny in the earth may not continue to point to the beautiful success of the experiment of Self government in America. While the storm which England raised in America hat been coins on, England has been trying to raise cotton in India. She has failed. Her factories sre st home, but ber cotton can't come from India. Sho must have cotton. Four millions of ber people can't do without it It must come from the Southern States. - It can't be raised in the South without slave labor. And England bat become tbe defender of slavery io tbe South. I will frankly state that this revolution in English sentiment and policy has not yet reached the Northern people. Tho same causes must. slowly produce it. liut while the anti-slavery sentiment has spresd in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment has also strengthened in America. In our early history the Southern statemen were anti slavery in teeling. . so were Washington, Jeuerson, Madison, Randolph, and many of that day,-who bad never heard the argument of the cotton-gin, nor studied the eloquent productions of the great Mississippi Valley. Aow our people not only see the justice of slavery, but its Providence too. The world can never give up slavery until k is ready to give up clothing and tood. ihe bouth is amsg- niaccnt exemplification of the highest christian xcellence bheis feeding the hungry, clothing tbe naked, blessing them that curse her,-and do-J ing good to them that despitefully.use and perse. cute her. . We say tgain, that even the history of the alavery agitation in this country does not justify the very conclusion tbat abolitionism has need Iways progressive. Whenever popular senti ment in politics has condemned the agitation, abolitionism bat declined. Many instances could be given. In 1313, the abolition candi date for the Presidency received about 300,000 votes. ' At the end of Mr. Fillmore's Adminis tration, in 1852, the candidate of that party re ceived about half tha( vote, and a fugitive slave could be recovered almost without opposition in any Northern State. Even the Act of Massa chusetts nullifying tbe fugitive slave law of 1793, had not been applied to the new fugitive slave law of 1850, after the agitation had been re- rvived. . These, and many ether similar reasons, we urge for believing that all the enumerated griev ances tbe results of slavery agitation are cur able by remedies within the. Uuion. But suppose our reasoning all wrong ? How shall w be convinced?. Only by the experi ment; but io the nature of the case, nothing but a trial can test the virtue of the readies pro posed. Let us try these remedies, snd if we full, this failure will establish tbe truth of the positions'of tbe advocates of immediate secession, and tee shall all join in that reniedy: For, let it be understood, we are. all agreed that these grievances shall be resisted shall be remedied most effectively remedied and if this cannot Iw done in tbe Union, then the Union must go. And we must nut let this crisis pass Without forever solving this doubt. If the Union and the peace of slavery cannot. .exist to gether, then tho Union must go; for slavery can never go, tne necessities ot man ana the laws ot Heaven .will never let it go, and it must have peape. And it has been tantalised and meddled with aS long as oiir self-respect can porniit; . But what remedies id tuc Union dt) e pose ? I will ati?wer: pro- The grievances enumerated aro of tnd kinds existing aud threatened. The existing actual grievances are all violations of tha Federal Con stitution and Federal laws, either by Northern citizens or Northern States. Nov?, what does good statesmanship, good logic, and common sense naturally suggest? Why, that the Federal Government shall inforce its Uws. No State can enforce, or punish, for the violation 6'f a Fed erafcw. Tbe power offended riius .adequately punisfe the offender. The punishment must be j such as lo redress the past, and by certainty and j terror secure the future. The Federal law is of fended. The Northern States and people are the offenders. Tbe South is damaged by tbo of- Tsnoo. This gives her the right to demand tho redress at the hajids of- the- federal Ujvernment, and if that Government, for want pLwjll fit power, shall not grant the redress, then that Government is a demonstrated failure. And when Governments end, self-defence begin. We can then take redress in our own way, and to our entire satisfaction. Let tbe -Georgia Convention meet. Let her not simply demand, but command, tbat this war on slavery shall cease that these unconstitution al acta and proceedings shall be repealed and abandoned by the States, or repudiated and re dressed by the Federal Government. Let her invite all the States to join in this demand. If no others will come to their duty Sod meet with ut, let the fifteen Southern States join io this de mand, and let the penalty of refusal, evep to the demand of One State, be 'the abandonment the Union, and Spy -other even harsher remedy each State may think her rights and honor require. We have an instance before us; a President made at Ihe instance tf the Northr When, in- of Abe Federal Government the Mforeeaent of. las laws for tbe protection of our fights; we are spending our breath, and wasting our strength in vain boastings of .wrath and hurtful divisions of Lour own people. 1 ' . Borne or our wisest BoMhett statesmen think we here already sufficient la for this crisis, if enforced. We bsve an act in 1795, and one in 1807, and perhaps otbsrs, to, execute the lew, to suppress insurrection, and repel invasioes. If these end other eosetmente are aoffioient, let at bate them enforced. - A TOICI The' Presidents we have already bad wow't enforce that law.. Mr. Hill. Then yon ought to have dissolved long ago. If the grievance bit been by men of onr own choosing, wbj have we not complained colore r iet as begin now. mi nt begin witu -Mr. Buohansn. A few day ago, and perhar now, a fugitive ia (landing protected by a North ern mob in Northern State, iu defiance of roe ' United States Marshal. Let tit demand Ujw tbat Mr. Buchanan enforce tbe law against tuat rebel and againat that State which protects him, or suffers bim to be protected on ber soil. Let us have out tbe srmy snd navy, and if they are not -sufficient, let there be a call for volunteers. Many of us say we are ready to fidbt snxious to fight. Here is a chance. Let us tender our services. a- 1 i ' ', If tbe laws now existing sre not sufficient, let ut have them sufficient. It is our right We sre entitled to a force bill for every clause in tbe Con-. ttitution occebsarv to onr rights. What have onr statesmen been after tbat these laws sre not suf ficient? Some of these nullifying grievances have existed since 1848, and is it possible tbat our statesmen have been alFasleep, or loet and forgetful in wrangling about slavery? Let us begin now and perfect our laws for the enforce ment of every constitutions! ripht, snd sgainit every rebel enemy. Let the convention add to tho contingencies of disruption in the Georgia platform. Let the refusal to enforce the laws granted for .our protection and defines be one contingency, and the 'refusal to grant tbe laws needed for that protection and defence be another . contingency. A Voice, now long will you wait 1 Ma. Hill. Until the experiment is tried; snd both the demand enumerated may be test ed; snd the contingencies msy transpire before the fourth of March next If they do not, if longer time shall be needed, Mr. Lincoln cannot do us damage. As you heard last eight, be can not even form bis Cabinet unless he make it ac ceptable to a Democratic Senate. And I go fur ther and lay that he cannot get even bin salary unt a dime to pay for bis breakfast without tbe consent of Congress. Nor waii Id I have tbe Southern States, nor even Georgia, to hesitate td demand the enforce ment of these laws st tbe bands of Mr. Lincoln, if we cannot testit before. Tho North demand ed of a Southern President the eieution of thd " luw against a Southern State in 1833. ' Now let the South compel a Northern President to exe- " cute the lawssgainst a Northern people ; yea, the very rebels that elected him. .. ' A Voice. - Do you believe Lincoln would is- sue his proclamation ? MA. Uill.- .ne can make him do it. It is his oath. He will be a traitor to refuse, and we " shall have tbe right to hang him. He dare not j refuse, tie would be on Southern Territory, and 1 for his life he dure not refuse.' ' . A Voice. Tbe "Wide Awakes" will be there. Mr. Hill. Very well, if we are afraid of the " Wide Awakes" wo had better surrender with out further debate. Tbe " Wide Awakes," will be there if wo secede, and if they arc to be dread ed, our only remedy is to hide. No, my friends,' we are not afraid of anybody. Arm us with the laws of our country and the Constitution of our fathers, and we fear no enemy Let us make war upori that Constitution and against those laws, and We will be afraid of every noiso in tbe bushes, lie who feels and knows be is right, is -afraid of nothing, and he who feels and knows he ia wrong, is afraid of nothing too. We were told the other night, ty a gentleman urging immediute-secession, tbat we bad never, had a mom ber in Congress but who wss afraid to demand the laws for the enforcement of these Constitutional rights. -And this is' true, but whose faults is that ? Shame upon' lis that we have been afraid to demand our rights at the hinds of our -own Government, administered" to' tbis hour by men of our own choice, sod yet in sist on our courage to sustain us in. seceding from that government in defiance of its power. No, we bare a right to go out, but let us, know1 vfe must exercise that right before we go, and how can we know it unless we ask first? The Declaration of Independence, which you invoke for an example, says a decent respect to the Opin ions of mankind requires us to declare the eSusea which impel u'i to tbe separation. When is" separate and allege our grievances as out causes, . and mankind shall ask us if we attempted, even demanded, a- redress of those grievances in (he Ur.ioo before we went out, shall we bang onr heads and say no? A people who are afraid to demand respect for their rights, can have no rights worthy to be, respected- . Our fathers de manded, vea. petitioned, and warned and con jured, and not-until the Government was deaf !to the "voice of justice and consanguinity, did they acquiese in the nfccessity which demanded their separation. It id not the cowardice of fear' but the courage of right and duty to demand reS dress, at the hands of our Government. - - .. 1 confess I am anxious to --ee' tbe strength of -this government now tested. The crisis is on us, not of our seeking, but in spite of bur opposU, tion ; and now let us meet it. - . ." , . I believe we can make Lincoln enforce thw laws. If fifteen Southern State! will take the Constitution and thelaws and bis or.th, ad ahalrev them iu the face of the Preside at, aad demand their observance and enforeeoi jot, aa cannot re- r fuse. Better make Aim do than any one else. It will be a magnificent yi.odicfttioRef tie power and the majesty o( the iw, to make the Preai dent enforce tbe law4 to hangiaft against . the very rebels who. have ehoeea hies to rraasple upon 4b. It win a vindication that wilt strike v. ... , . M J 1 . 1833, South Carolina was lrefusing to obey a t ea- teiror to w t ooer. ror a y eral law, io tbe execiitmnf-which the Northern J come. Wbj, LWu is not A sMoarch I He States Lad en interest, Congress passed' a Force j has no power oouude of the law, ace inside bilk and put it in the bends of a SotriSern Presi-jof ihe, excepA to enforce it, E fa as much tat forenferoement, even with the army apd the ' lubjccA to the kw as you or myself. The taw navy, nd the mitit if needed. - , j our king over 1L Let ns turn oar battery agarnst Northern rub-! hnmbleat eitiae. we art e equal .ubjecta of Urn 1. The constitutionality of the act which South '.only rebf. We have no cause for feet, except Carolina reeiaud wasdo.bf. A Southern State j when we offend tBIs' only sovereign ef tte re never nullified, nor refawed to' obey, a plain con- publican eitise-. And have nooccawion tor dospew ititutioual kw. But here are the Northern State antit his protection is denied as. -and people, nnllifyingand ttttfngat defiance, the I . I am ab .UI,Dg- pLn wnstUwtiooal proytaooe and kwe passed" ear Co.ve.tion or Stat, should dewndf tht) U pursuance thereof; end instead of demanding : nullifying' State sbe tei of theu uowtv I
North Carolina Argus (Wadesboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 13, 1860, edition 1
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